Hello My Beloved Friend in the Lord you the choosing one (kindly open the attachment).

 
IN GOD WE TRUST **DOWNLOAD THE ATTACHMENT FILE AND GET BACK TO ME**
 
 

HI

Please reply back to me immediately 

Greeting in the name of the lord Almighty,I am 17 years old I need you to help me to receive my inheritance in your account in your country I agreed to give you 20 percent of the total sum. Please promise me that you will take me as your biological son. because i am an orphan and i have prayed before contacting you. and promise me that you will not betray me if this money enter into your account.

God be with you am waiting for your response.

Faustin Dogan

Secretaria de Estado de Educação de Minas Gerais

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Help Emergency Trip..................PETER KINJAP

I'm writing this with tears in my eyes,my family and I came over here to Manila,Philippines, for a short vacation. unfortunately,we were  mugged at the park of the hotel where we stayed,all cash and credit card were stolen off us but luckily for us we still have our passports with us.  We've been to the Embassy and the Police here but they're not helping issues at all and our flight leaves in few hours from now but we're having problems settling the hotel bills and the hotel manager won't let us leave until we settle the bills. Well I really need your financial assistance..Please, Let me know if you can help us out? Am freaked out at the Moment. PO Box 46 Mt.Hagen, WHP Papua New Guinea Mobile: +675 27391324 Blog: http://pnghighlands.blogspot.com/

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InterOil: Ripples In The PNG LNG Project, But Not Cause For Concern

Discord in Papua New Guinea (PNG)? Not really.

We wrote a piece on Monday arguing that InterOil is well positioned to profit from the booming Asian LNG market. However, later that Monday evening (Tuesday morning in PNG), a newspaper article appeared that seemed to suggest there is some discord between InterOil and some PNG officials. Here are some relevant parts:

Govt warns InterOil Ltd

THE Government has warned that InterOil Limited, the developer of Papua New Guinea's second liquefied natural gas project that it was not carrying out the project as agreed to in the Project Agreement. Minister for Petroleum and Energy William Duma yesterday issued the warning to InterOil Limited and its associate company, Liquid Niugini Gas Limited, the developer of the LNG project in the Gulf Province. In a press release, Minister said: "LNGL (Liquid Niugini Gas Limited) was not proceeding with the project which was agreed to between the State and the LNGL in the Project Agreement on 23 December 2009. "LNGL continues to misunderstand fundamentally the nature of the contractual obligations that it has under the Project Agreement, and is moving closer to repudiatory breach of the Project Agreement by proceeding with the Gulf Project. "At this point, the State will have no option but to accept that breach and seriously consider terminating the Project Agreement."

Mr. Duma said. He is to meet with the InterOil officials in the next few days to iron out the matter. [PNG Post-Courier]

This sounds serious, so we feel it's necessary to provide a few explanatory remarks:

• Yes, Mr. Duma does have something of a point. The agreement InterOil and the PNG Government signed in December 2009 contains a plan for monetizing InterOil's Elk/Antelope that has been subsequently changed somewhat.
• InterOil's original plan was to build a large, traditional LNG plant next to its refinery at Napa Napa.
• This plan shifted when Henry Aldorf came aboard (previously working at Marathon (MRO), where he was responsible for building Marathon's LNG plant in Equatorial Guinea in record time.)
• The new plan involves a modular (expandable) LNG plant (with partner Energy World Corporation, EWC) and a floating LNG plant (FLNG) build by Samsung (SSNLF.PK) and Flex (The FLNG company from Norway), both in a different location (the Gulf province).
• The new plan is at least a year and a half in existence and involves many advantages (faster monetization, no re-injection of condensates necessary, much shorter pipeline, sharing of infrastructure, cheaper LNG plants largely pre-built under controlled circumstances (Samsung wharfs and the like) rather than on site with complex logistics, skill shortages, etc.
• Contacts between InterOil and the government are ongoing (the InterOil project is one of the largest prospective tax revenue generating project for PNG), so it is simply unfathomable that the government is unaware of the strategy change.

Indeed. Read also the following older (February 2011) newspaper article from PNG (for the whole article, click the link at the end):

Second LNG PNG Gets Thumbs Up
By Mohammad Bashir

Papua New Guinea's second LNG project which is expected to bigger and expected to produce 11 to 15 million tones got a step closer yesterday witnessed by Prime Minister sir Michael Somare, Treasurer and Finance Minister Peter O'Neill, Petroleum and Energy Minister William Duma, Gulf Governor Havilla Kavo and Police Minister Mark Maipaka and industry executives.

Pacific LNG Operations Ltd witnessed Liquid Niugini Gas Ltd, its Joint-Venture liquefied natural gas project company with InterOil sign a Project Funding and Construction Agreement (PFCA) and a Shareholders Agreement with Energy World Corporation Ltd. [AX: EWC] to construct a three million tonne per annum (mtpa) land-based LNG plant in the Gulf Province of Papua New Guinea (PNG), which is developed in two places, 2mtpa and 1mtpa expansion following immediately thereafter.

The agreement follow Pacific LNG Operations Ltd, September 2010 announcement of the formation of the partnership with EWC.

 

The PFCA and Shareholder Agreements with EWC are conditional reaching FID no later than 31 December 2011. However, as previously disclosed the current joint venture project schedule is for FID to occur simultaneously for the LNG plant and CSP by June 30, 2011 and combined plant start up approximately 30 months after FID. This now adds blessing to the already arranged agreement between Gulf Provincial Government and Energy International to have a Petroleum Park established at Orokolo bay in Ihu District Gulf Province. [LNG Watch]

So the same Mr. William Duma who is now, in his capacity as Energy Minister, 'warning' InterOil was actually present at the celebrations marking the agreement with a partner (EWC), executing a new strategy which is not (entirely) reflected in the 2009 agreement between InterOil and PNG. (There is another report confirming the above here).

So it's not that he wasn't aware of the change in strategy but the problem is that it's not entirely reflected in the 2009 agreement document. However, if reality on the ground doesn't (entirely) reflect the 2009 agreement, then the easy option is to change the agreement.

Since InterOil and partners are close to final investment decisions (FIDs), expected before the end of this year, it is clear that abandoning the new plan and going back to the old is not a realistic option. It is in the interest of nobody, least of all the PNG government, as it will lead to (significant) delays, which would also delay a tax revenue bounty for years.

There might be some unresolved issues between the parties but as the (first) newspaper article above states, InterOil and government officials are going to meet in the next few days to sort things out. We have seen this kind of stuff quite a number of times so we don't lose any sleep over it, (so far, neither has the market, IOC shares are actually up since this came out).

InterOil shares are cheap, valued at below 50 dollar cents per Mcf (thousand cubic feet of gas). Basically, there is 8.59T of gas in their main field, Elk/Antelope, with prices well above $10 per Mcf in Asia. This alone represents $80-$120B in value (not even including the condensates or other fields). With total project cost budgeted at $3.6B (and most of that paid out of gas revenues with 14.5% earmarked to the plant builders), there really is ample margin for error here.

You might also have noticed (in the second newspaper article above) the presence of Peter O'Neill at that ceremonial signing of the agreement with EWC. As it happens, O'Neill is now PM, and he is very supportive of InterOil's LNG project. From Wednesday's PNG Industry News (for whole article, click the link):

PRIME Minister Peter O'Neill has increased his commitment to supporting the Gulf LNG project in Papua New Guinea after Petroleum Minister William Duma threatened to terminate the government's LNG agreement with the InterOil-led consortium.

The Gulf LNG project is targeting 5 million tonnes per annum in 2014 with 3 million tonnes per annum from an onshore modular LNG plant and the rest from a floating LNG facility, while a slated expansion aims to ramp up the total Gulf operations to 8Mtpa through 2015 and 2016.

These plans to commercialise the Elk-Antelope discoveries in the Gulf province are somewhat different from the project's earlier Liquid Niugini Gas incarnation which aimed to build a 6-9Mpta LNG plant adjacent to InterOil's oil refinery at Napa Napa.

In a statement reported by the Post-Courier newspaper this week, Duma attacked InterOil's joint venture partner Liquid Niugini Gas Limited for moving close to breaching the Liquid Niugini Gas agreement struck with the government in late 2009.

"At this point, the state will have no option but to accept that breach and seriously consider terminating the project agreement," Duma reportedly said.

InterOil is yet to make a statement responding to these claims – but O'Neill has already made a swift response.

The new prime minister recently stated that his government will not tolerate "any interference" designed to delay the progress of the Gulf LNG project.

With a final investment decision expected by year-end, O'Neill said all government assistance would be provided to InterOil and its partners to reach this milestone.

He believes this project is as important to the country as the ExxonMobil-led PNG LNG project.

Consequently, O'Neill intends to appoint a senior member of his staff to liaise directly with both joint ventures to ensure that neither project is hindered by "political and bureaucratic nepotism".

Last, but certainly not least, you might also want to consider a PNG newspaper article from The National on Monday (for the whole article click the link):

PM assures security for investors

PRIME MINISTER Peter O'Neill has assured foreign investors, especially in the mining and petroleum sector, that government will not create insecurity, political risk or threaten foreign investment with expropriation. "Let me reassure you that the goal posts have not been shifted and relocated because the playing field remains the same and shall be maintained that way for the foreseeable future," he said du­ring a business luncheon." [The National]

We conclude by saying that for all sorts of reasons, politicians everywhere say stuff, (PNG is no exception, needless to say). It's better to focus what they actually do.

With respect to that, the picture is actually a lot brighter. InterOil's own history on PNG is rather smooth and there are plenty of other foreign companies present. PNG, with a bounty of natural resources (metals, energy, etc.) is actually a pretty welcoming destination for foreign direct investment (FDI).

Although there are the problems you'd expect to be related to a relatively underdeveloped economy (infrastructure, skills, etc.), the PNG economy is actually booming as a result of the foreign investment.

FDI remains critical for that growth to continue; we don't expect the politicians to seriously endanger that.

source: http://seekingalpha.com/

Position Vacant: PROGRAMME MANAGER (UN REDD)

Background

The United Nations Collaborative Programme on Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation (UN-REDD Programme) was set up in 2008 following the Bali Action Plan agreed to by parties at the 13th Conference of Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change to assist tropical forest countries in establishing a fair, equitable and transparent REDD+ regime. The UN-REDD Programme is currently supporting nine pilot countries  with their national "REDD Readiness" process, i.e. preparations for participation in a future REDD financial incentive mechanism under the UNFCCC. UN-REDD National Programmes (NPs) are implemented as Joint Programmes (JPs) by Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), following the guidance of the UN Development Group (UNDG). With coordinating support from a Global Joint Programme (GJP), the nine UN-REDD National Programmes are being designed to provide initial assistance with the pilot countries. Papua New Guinea is one of the nine UN-REDD programme pilot countries. The UN-REDD National Programme Document (NPD) developed by the Government of PNG has been approved and granted with USD$ 6,3 million and it's ready for implementation. The Objective of the UN-REDD NP is "to support the GoPNG in attaining REDD+ Readiness" within the next 3 years, with an emphasis on the development of Measurement, Reporting and Verification (MRV) system for the country as an important complement to PNG's domestic climate-change efforts. MRV systems track and report on changes in carbon stocks resulting from land-use change, and as such, are a fundamental prerequisite for any payment-for-performance REDD+ programme. In order to secure this Objective, the proposed NP will be implemented for three years in order to pursue the following five Outcomes: Readiness management arrangements in place; National MRV system developed; Historical drivers of deforestation assessed; Monitoring of abatement concepts supported; and Stakeholders engaged in PNG's REDD readiness process. To implement the NP, a UN-REDD Programme Management Unit (PMU) will be established in the Office of Climate Change and Development (OCCD). The PMU will be led by a UN-REDD Programme Manager who under a matrixed working arrangement will support OCCD on a day-to-day basis on management and coordination of all UN agencies inputs for PNG's National UN-REDD Programme.  The UN-REDD Programme Manager will report to the Director of MRV and National Communication Division and UNDP Country Office Deputy Resident Representative. The overall performance appraisal of the PM will be done as per UNDP guidelines, rules and regulation by the UNDP Deputy Resident Representative (DRR). The incumbent will be working closely with the Office of Climate Change (OCCD) and will provide technical advice and support to the Director of MRV and National Communication Division. The incumbent will work under the direct supervision of the UNDP Deputy Resident Representative (DRR) and will also report to the DRR. The incumbent will report to OCCD on day-today work including sharing of information and will also keep close relations, good coordination and sharing of information with UNDP PNG's Country Office, especially with Assistant Resident Representative (ARR) and the Energy and Environment Team assigned for programme assurance activities. The incumbent will liaise and coordinate programme activities also with FAO and UNEP UN-REDD specialists. The overall objective of the assignment is to contribute to the enhancement and development of UN-REDD PMU management of coordination capacity to ensure efficient and effective implementation of the PNG's National UN-REDD National Programme.

Duties and Responsibilities

Key Functions: Manage the day-to-day operations of the Programe Management Unit (PMU) including the supervision of PMU personnel and, ensure coordination with FAO and UNEP activities for the overall national UN-REDD Programme implementation in the country. Planning Lead the preparation and update of annual and quarterly programme work plans with clearly stated milestones contributing to the achievement of target outputs consistent with the programme document that are guided by the UN-REDD Operational Guidelines and submit these to the Director, MRV and National Communication and UNDP for clearance; Prepare and update of annual and quarterly operational budgets in line with the programme document and submit these to the Director, MRV and National Communication and UNDP for clearance; Review programme resource requirements and provide advice to the Programme Executive Board on the need for budget adjustments and possible revisions. Advice also OCCD and UNDP on revisions to work plans and budget plans based on the operational and strategic appreciation of programme implementation with given conditions; Prepare Terms of Reference (ToR) for required inputs (individual and institutional consultancy services, the procurement of goods, organization of training, seminars, etc.), and submits these to the Director, MRV and National Communication and relevant UN agencies for clearance, and administers the mobilization of such inputs; Convey and facilitate meetings among government departments, provincial government, development organizations and CSOs when required in order to get agreements that support the UN-REDD programme implementation; Ensures that all agreements with implementing agencies are prepared, negotiated, agreed upon and executed to the expected standards in a timely manner; and Ensure coordination of UN-REDD NP planned activities with other REDD initiatives in the country; Implementing: Lead the planning, organisation and convening of relevant stakeholders participation in the national UN-REDD Programme Executive Board and UN-REDD Policy Board Meetings as and when required. With respect to external Programme implementing agencies/sub-contractors: Ensures that these agencies mobilize and deliver the inputs in accordance with their letters of agreement or contracts. Mobilize competent national and international experts needed. Provides overall supervision and/or coordination of their work to ensure the production of the expected quality outputs. Provides problem solving support where needed, to debottleneck issues and progress key deliverables according to planned milestones. Assumes direct responsibility for managing the programme budget by ensuring that: Programme funds are made available when needed, and are disbursed properly in a timely fashion following the UN agencies and MDTF procedures. Expenditures are in accordance with the programme document and/or existing programme work plan and adjustments (if any) are made with due consultation and documentation. Accounting records and supporting documents are properly kept and required financial reports are prepared, with appropriate analysis of expenditures and issues in disbursement. Financial operations are transparent and financial procedures/regulations for NEX programmes are properly applied The programme is ready to stand up to audits at any time. Follow-up and ensure that required inputs are processed in a timely and transparent manner and attest to the timeliness of submission and the quality of goods and services procured for the programme; Liaise with FAO and UNEP to ensure coordination and implementation of planned activities as per the agreed PNG's National UN-REDD Programme's Annual Work Plans; Liaise and coordinate with relevant government departments and key external organizations on technical issues related to implementation of the UN-REDD national programme; Build relations and effective networks with relevant programme partners, policy makers, business, donors and civil society actors to further the interests of the programme. Monitoring, Reporting,  Evaluation and Audits: Ensure monitoring, evaluation and audits are undertaken as per PNG's National UN-REDD Programme's Monitoring and Evaluation Plan, or UN-REDD programme guidelines. Develop and implement monitoring and evaluation (M&E) mechanism for the programme's financial, administrative, and operational activities and ensure timely submission of progress and financial reports: Prepare programme progress reports (when is required / financial and substantive) against set targets and indicators, with an analysis of evidence of progress towards planned outputs according to schedules, budgets, and inputs provided by the programme. Prepare programme evaluation reports and review meetings when required according to the UN-REDD programme and UN agencies guidelines. Organize and facilitate evaluations and audit missions when required. Keep good records of programme documents, by establishing and maintaining a systematic filing system of key documents (in hard copy and soft copy) in line with audit requirements. Reports regularly to and keeps the Director, MRV and National Communication and UNDP DRR and E&E Programme Unit up-to-date on programme progress and problems. Key Results: The National UN-REDD Programme effectively and efficiently implemented in a transparent and accountable manner, in accordance with all applicable rules and regulations from the Government of Papua New Guinea and the UN-agencies; PNG's National REDD+ Readiness Management Arrangements in Place; Stakeholder Engagement Plan on REDD+ developed and implemented; and Improved government's capacity to plan and coordinate the implementation of REDD+ activities in the country. Impacts of Results: A more strategic and collaborative approach to addressing REDD+ issues in the country; National coordinating mechanisms for implementing REDD+ activities in place and functioning; and Enhanced capacities of the Government and CO staff to implement REDD+ readiness activities.

Competencies

Corporate Competencies: Demonstrates integrity by modeling the UN's values and ethical standards Promotes the vision, mission, and strategic goals of UNDP Displays cultural, gender, religion, race, nationality and age sensitivity and adaptability Treats all people fairly without favoritism Demonstrates strong understanding of political sensitivities and ability to work positively with all partners in a politically dynamic environment Functional Competencies: Knowledge Management and Learning: Demonstrated capacity in knowledge sharing and knowledge management and ability to promote a learning environment in the office through leadership and personal example. Ability to advocate and provide top quality advice services on REDD+. Proven track record in managing large complex development Programmes within the area of forestry/natural resources In-depth practical knowledge of inter-disciplinary development issues Ability to conduct research and analysis and strong synthesis skills. Development and Operational Effectiveness: Ability to lead strategic planning, results-based management and reporting. Ability to develop innovative approaches to program design, implementation, monitoring evaluation of development programmes, projects and activities. Ability to mobilize resources Ability to work with minimal supervision Able to work under pressure and limited time. Management and Leadership: Builds strong relationships with clients, focuses on impact and result for the client and responds positively to critical feedback; consensus-oriented Encourages risk-taking in the pursuit of creativity and innovation Leads teams effectively and shows conflict resolution skills Consistently approaches work with energy and a positive, constructive attitude Demonstrates good oral and written communication skills Demonstrates openness to change and ability to manage complexities Proactive and have the ability to discuss openly with all senior government staff Results-orientation and efficiency in a multi-tasking environment Capacity to perform effectively under pressure and hardship conditions Highly develop inter-personal, negotiation and teamwork skills, networking aptitude, Highly developed inter-cultural communication and skills.

Required Skills and Experience

Education: Minimum Masters degree, preferably in forestry, environmental science, natural resource management, geography or related field with a Postgraduate qualification in Management. Experience:  Minimum 7 years working experience in the field of programme/project management With at least 5 years experience with leading large scale and complex development programmes /projects covering all aspects of programme/project cycle management including financial management, budgeting, administration, human resources, monitoring and evaluation, auditing, and reporting, Familiar with climate change issues including REDD+, forest / natural resources management, and rural development. Knowledge in GIS/remote sensing is an asset; Previous work experience on development programmes in developing countries (Asia Pacific-PNG experience is an advantage); Proven management experience including supervision of staff, consultants and coordination of research programme/projects teams in a n multi-disciplinary environment; Demonstrated knowledge of donor programme/project management practices and modalities.  Experience with working with governments in developing countries. Experience with government and UN procedures including its financial systems is an asset; Excellent computer skills including full working knowledge MS Office, and Internet Language: Fluency in written and spoken English Knowledge of pidgin is an asset

UNDP is committed to achieving workforce diversity in terms of gender, nationality and culture. Individuals from minority groups, indigenous groups and persons with disabilities are equally encouraged to apply. All applications will be treated with the strictest confidence.

 

Location :	Port Moresby, PAPUA NEW GUINEA
Application Deadline :	30-Sep-11
Type of Contract :	FTA International
Post Level :	P-4
Languages Required :	English
Starting Date : (date when the selected candidate is expected to start)	01-Jan-2012
Duration of Initial Contract :	1 Year

If you are interested in this position vacant, please visit the source below to apply.

source: http://jobs.undp.org/

Highlander with big shoes to fill - Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea Peter O'Neill

AN accountant who put on his first pair of shoes when he was 16 to visit his father's relatives in Melbourne has in six short weeks taken a firm grip on the steering wheel in Papua New Guinea.

But this country, Australia's closest neighbour, a tinny ride away, is notoriously resistant to direction. It is on the cusp of rapid, overdue modernisation, or sinking back to tribalised subsistence.

Especially today, Independence Day and a public holiday, the country's seven million people will be asking whether Peter O'Neill can succeed.

It is 36 years since prime minister Gough Whitlam and governor-general John Kerr, with Prince Charles representing Queen Elizabeth, who remains PNG's head of state, formally declared the country independent, inaugurating a brief, sunny period of optimism for PNG's future until corruption began to take its terrible toll.

The only Papua New Guinean most Australians can name is Michael Somare, who became prime minister at independence and has been at the forefront of public life there for an extraordinary 42 years.

But now Somare, "the chief", has lost his seat in parliament due to his absence during prolonged illness, and is most unlikely to return, although a court challenge that began yesterday on his behalf could still disrupt the new government's entrenchment.

Taking Somare's place is PNG's recently elected Prime Minister Peter O'Neill, who comes from the populous heartland, the Highlands.

O'Neill met Prime Minister Julia Gillard on the sidelines of the Pacific Islands Forum leaders' summit in Auckland last week, and gave an important speech to businesspeople in Brisbane on the way home.

In his first interview as Prime Minister he told The Australian that "our relationship with Australia right now is a very good one".

He revealed in Brisbane that he has already cautioned, "and will caution again, my ministers and state-owned corporations involved in the mining and hydrocarbon industry, to desist promptly from giving misleading signals to the foreign investment sector. My government is not about making life difficult for foreign investors."

On October 12 O'Neill will make his first formal visit to Canberra as Prime Minister.

Australian aid remains important, and is now being refocused on basic education and health needs, but has fallen as a share of the PNG budget to 11.7 per cent, as the country has enjoyed rapid economic growth over the past five years, reaching a projected 8 per cent this year.

But the topics O'Neill and Gillard will talk about in October now range further than aid, which is being rebadged as a "development partnership".

They are likely also to discuss PNG's plans for sovereign wealth funds to quarantine its windfall earnings from gas, health issues across the Torres Strait including a tuberculosis outbreak, the proposal to pipe hydro-electric power from PNG to Queensland and, of course, assessing asylum-seekers on Manus Island, which O'Neill backs. "Asylum-seekers are a regional issue," he says.

"We, too, have illegal immigrants entering our country, particularly from Asia."

The new leader brings to the position a fresh, different style from that of the veteran, 75-year-old founding father Somare, and from the extrovert "big man" leaders who have previously emerged from the Highlands.

O'Neill has already impressed by rapidly introducing bills to make education free up to grade 10 and to create a seat dedicated for women in each province, guaranteeing that the new parliament will have at least 22 women MPs where now it has just one, Queensland-born Carol Kidu.

"Women deserve to participate in the decision-making process and in the management of our country," he says.

His next urgent legislation is to create a new province for his home area, the Southern Highlands, where PNG's first liquefied natural gas project is being built by ExxonMobil for $16.5 billion, and which Southern Highlanders have threatened to destroy if they do not get their own provincial government in time for next year's national election.

He needs to move fast, since the election is due mid-year.

A 46-year-old former accountant and businessman, O'Neill is bright, courteous and thoughtful. His father Brian was an Australian "kiap", or patrol officer, who arrived in PNG in 1949 and stayed until he died in 1982.

His mother Awambo Yari was from Pangia in the Southern Highlands.

As the first outsider to be based in the Ialibu-Pangia district, O'Neill's father established basic government services in the area.

"So the older generation know him very well," O'Neill says.

Later in his career, his father worked as a magistrate, shifting to Mount Hagen, then Goroka, also in the Highlands.

O'Neill grew up in his mother's home village, until he joined his father in Goroka when he turned 15.

His father was born in the then working-class suburb of Williamstown, now a fashionable area with views across Port Phillip Bay to the Melbourne city skyline.

"I'm still in touch with relatives in Melbourne," says O'Neill, who has two sons of his own.

O'Neill attended high schools in Ialibu in the Southern Highlands and in Goroka, before studying at the University of PNG in Port Moresby.

"I didn't follow my father into the law, because I had grown up poor, and thought I'd have a better chance through accountancy," he says. "I was fairly reasonable with numbers."

O'Neill joined international firm Coopers & Lybrand from university, then formed his own small partnership with a New Zealand accountant in Port Moresby, before returning to Goroka where he established a trading business, which he sold in 1988 to move back to the capital.

He was then asked to help rescue failing state corporations, including the PNG Banking Corp, of which he became executive chairman.

The bank was privatised under Mekere Morauta's prime ministership in 2002 and is now the highly successful Bank of South Pacific, with interests across the islands region.

In 2002, a report on the National Provident Fund's financing of an apparently over-priced office tower in Port Moresby, in which O'Neill played a role, recommended his referral to the public prosecutor, but no action was taken. This has been his only public brush with misbehaviour, one that has effectively been left behind.

In the same year he stood for parliament for his home area, Ialibu-Pangia.

"I went into politics out of a sense of frustration at the way decisions were being made, and a sense of obligation to my father's efforts to bring some level of government services to my area," he says.

"Growing up in the village environment, I knew very well the limitations of opportunities and services that my people suffered - and are still suffering.

"There was no power, no running water, no road."

Boarding during the week, every weekend he walked home the 28km from his high school in Ialibu, taking back his food for the following week.

Now the road has been upgraded. But there is still no power or running water in the village, named Paiyomari.

Besides English and Pidgin, O'Neill speaks three Southern Highlands languages (PNG has more than 850 indigenous languages).

After being elected in 2002, he was swiftly given the labour and industrial relations portfolio by then prime minister Somare, an later the public service ministry.

"It was quite challenging at first," he says, "coming from a different, business background, adapting to how a government operates."

O'Neill is the leader of the People's National Congress Party, which in 2004 quit the coalition government over Somare's doubling to 12 months the grace period before an election, within which a no-confidence motion cannot be moved.

"We felt that governments need a level of accountability, and that such a change would be undemocratic, leaving the government unchallengeable for too long."

O'Neill then became opposition leader until the following five-yearly election, in 2007.

"I enjoyed that position," he says, "because it gave me an opportunity to set up my own policy alternatives, and build up my political skills, in debating and making sure the government was held accountable."

After the election, he returned to Somare's government, which was made up of 14 parties, and to his former portfolio of public service before being given, as a reflection of his growing authority, the powerful role of Treasurer.

When Somare fell ill and flew to Singapore for surgery, he appointed Sam Abal as acting prime minister, and Abal demoted O'Neill to the works portfolio.

But O'Neill had felt, since his time as opposition leader, that he had the capacity to become prime minister, and sensed this was his hour.

Within the labyrinthine world of PNG politics, O'Neill has made his mark and attracted others not only through his decent bearing and intelligence, but also through his sense of timing and his consistent luck, luck that had him rising to the peak of his political influence just as Somare's physical powers were waning.

When Abal began reshuffling the cabinet in Somare's absence, O'Neill was convinced PNG should instead seek "a mandated leader to take the country into elections in 2012". And that would be him. "I began speaking with the opposition parties about forming a credible government, a government of unity in a way, in preparation for the election."

It came down to two names, he says: Don Polye, the former foreign minister (also a Highlander) and his.

In a secret ballot in the caucus room in parliament, O'Neill came out on top. He has since given Polye the substantial consolation prize of Treasury, further reinforcing his position by appointing a cabinet of 33, with 11 vice-ministers. This gives him a comfortable 80 per cent of the votes he needs to pass legislation.

O'Neill has already differentiated his administrative style from Somare's by keeping his office door constantly open to ministers: "Michael Somare is an iconic figure in our country, well respected and fatherly to many of us. I wished things could have been done differently (with the succession).

"But for more than eight months, decisions were being made which were not mandated, the government was serving the interests of a minority.

"And Papua New Guineans were entitled to know how their leader was doing."

Somare, who returned to Singapore yesterday for further medical treatment, now "needs to retire with dignity and respect" O'Neill says. "We all know how we have squandered our opportunities in the past.

"Some of us are determined not to make the same mistakes again.

"And aware that we are in government for less than 12 months (before elections), we are focusing on a very few areas, education being our number one priority.

"We are now spending 20 per cent of our budget on education, likely to increase to 25 per cent by 2012. We are also revamping the health system, including by centralising drugs purchase and supply, which has been bound up with corruption in the past, and by rehabilitation of the six major referral hospitals."

 

source: http://www.theaustralian.com.au

ExxonMobil spends K3 billion on the PNG LNG project in Papua New Guinea

A total of K3bn (US$1.3 bn) has been spent on the PNG LNG project to date, with K400m (US$177 million) from that going to PNG landowner companies.

 

A total of K3bn (US$1.3 bn) has been spent on the PNG LNG project to date, with K400m (US$177 million) from that going to PNG landowner companies.

That's from the lead developer Exxon Mobil, in its 2011 second quarter Environment and Social Report highlighting employment, compensation, construction, community investment and engagement and environmental protection.

Workers have now exceeded 9000, with Papua New Guineans numbering 6,600 or 75 percent of the total workforce.

The company says the workforce grew by 30 percent in the last three months alone, again, most of that done by landowner companies.

Most of the personnel are engaged in catering, linen services, equipment hire, camp management, security and highway trucking.

The figure is forecast to grow to 14 thousand during the construction phase, but reduced to around 5000 once production goes full-steam in 2014.

 

source: http://www.islandsbusiness.com/

Solomon Island Airbus makes first proving flight to Port Moresby - Papua New Guinea.

Story by MOFFAT MAMU

SOLOMON Airlines new airbus aircraft yesterday successful made its first proving flight to Jackson International Airport in Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea as part of testing the route.

A good number of guests led by Minister of Culture and Tourism Samuel Manetoali and Airlines Chief Executive Officer (CEO) Ron Sumsum made a two hours flight from Honiara to Port Moresby and made a two hours stopover at Jackson Airport in Port Moresby.

The delegation left at 9am yesterday and returned to Honiara at 4pm.

Guests of honour at the welcome reception hosted by Solomon Airlines office in Port Moresby was acting Prime Minister (PM) of Papua New Guinea Belden Namah.

Speaking at the occasion the acting PM expressed gratitude over the continuous relationship both PNG and Solomon islands have in terms of the airlines industry.

Minister Manetoalis said the arrival of the aircraft reaffirmed Solomon Airlines commitments towards improving services in the country.

He said it's a milestone for the airlines industry.

CEO Sumsum said it was another achievement for the airlines having to go through a lot of challenges over the past years.

At Jackson airport guests from PNG were able to visit the aircraft with many acknowledging the aircraft, its design and its interior.

Former PNG high commissioner to Solomon Islands Parai Tamei who was also present at the ceremony acknowledged the new aircraft saying it's a wonderful achievement by the airlines industry.

He said the aircraft has a good length and size.

After the reception locals guests then boarded the aircraft for their two hours return journey.

Minister Manetoali prior to disembarking the aircraft at Honiara international airport thanked everyone who went on the proving flight.

The second proving flight will take off this morning to Nadi, Fiji and then to Port Vila, Vanuatu before returning to Honiara.

A lot more guests are expected to go in this trip leaving around 8am and returning at 7pm.

Apart from Brisbane as the main route the new airbus will operate to these three destinations in the near future when formalities are done, says General Manager Operations and Commercial Gus Kraus.

The new aircraft will fly to Noumea, New Caledonia on Sunday to bring the final lot of Team Solomon contingent.

It will then return to Brisbane on Sunday evening and resume its first commercial service for the Brisbane-Honiara-Brisbane route on Monday.

 

source: http://www.solomonstarnews.com

VICTORY! Papua New Guinea Begins Commission of Inquiry into Rainforest Land Grabs

Friday, 2 September 2011, 5:05 pm
Press Release: Ecological Internet

 

PAPUA New Guinea has launched a Commission of Inquiry into foreign land grabs of pristine, indigenous owned primary rainforests for clearcut logging and supposed oil palm development. PNG has the world's third largest rainforests, but sadly industrial logging and oil palm are booming, and large, intact old rainforest ecosystems are dwindling fast. An entrenched and voracious Malaysian timber-mafia has until now virtually owned the government and the nation's rainforests.

"Special Agriculture and Business Leases" (SABL) covering 5.2 million hectares (12.8 million acres) were granted 74 times in recent years by former Prime Minister Michael Somare. These agriculture projects skirted forestry laws and customary land ownership, allowing clearcuts of primary rainforests on customary land without consent, for oil palm which may or may not get planted. Local national led NGOs such as the highly successful ACT NOW! and others expressed concern that SABL leases were improperly executed and would result in large scale logging without providing agricultural development.

After nearly a year in country, patrolling and investigating the situation, Ecological Internet's global network launched an affinity alert in support of local NGO demands in June of 2011, whereby 3,197 people from 81 countries sent 137,133 protest emails to PNG rainforest decision-makers in a short time. Past evidence and scholarship has shown displays of global concern when closely supporting local rainforest protection demands are highly effective. The start of the investigation has been aided by the transition of government from Michael Somare's deeply corrupted government to new Prime Minister Peter O'Neill.

"Thankfully PNG's once great founder, but recent foreign corruption shill, Michael Somare is off of the PNG political stage. It is shocking that Somare-era grotesque stealing of customary land for clear-fell rainforest logging have taken so long to stopped and investigated. This foreign land grab has undermined landowner customary land rights which are largely respected. These standing rainforest are priceless and landowners must resist foreign occupation to instead pursue indigenous protection and community eco-forestry. Let's be watchful and ensure the investigation is done properly," comments Dr. Barry, Ecological Internet's President.

While ACT PNG and Ecological Internet acknowledge there is reason for optimism and celebration, there is good reason to remain skeptical. The Commission of Inquiry has been given only three months to complete its work, which is unrealistic given PNG's challenging logistics, particularly given many files have already been identified as having gone missing. This is not enough time to identify and fix failings in the Department of Lands and the truth about foreign ownership of land titles. Yet Ecological Internet believes it is important to acknowledge success and forward movement in rainforest protection campaigns, while remaining eternally vigilant.

"Special Agriculture and Business Leases" (SABL) have been misused to take control of land from local peoples, granting 99 year leasehold title over huge tracts of customary land to foreign companies. Former acting Prime Minister, Sam Abal, had called for a Commission of Inquiry into the SABLs earlier in the year, and had suspended their further issuance. Yet the forces of rainforest destruction successfully pushed back for months, led by logging giant Rimbunan Hijau of Malaysia and a deeply corrupted PNG government still led by Michael Somare.

In Ecological Internet's home province of Madang, PNG, an area totaling 112,400 hectares of important primary ranforest was granted as an SABL in March, 2011. This joins Madang's illegal tuna development, new Nickle mining ocean waste disposal, and Rimbunan Hijau's struggling Ramu logging concession. At the same time, logging giant Rimbunan Hijau is diversifying, developing a large oil palm scheme in the Kikori plains in the Gulf Province. With Michael Somare gone, ending decades of corruption in rainforest management will also require sacking Wari Iamo, chief of PNG's environment department and forestry board, and Somare's corrupt bagman for rainforest crime.

 

Please support Ecological Internet's campaigns to protect and restore old forests at http://www.rainforestportal.org/shared/donate/

 

source: http://www.scoop.co.nz/

Papua New Guinea teeters on a wide political fault line

Story by Jo Chandler

WHEN Sir Michael Somare last stood before a crowd gathered in the highlands town of Tari, Papua New Guinea, locals in the notoriously hot-blooded constituency hurled stones at him. Councillor Jim Wake, who was standing alongside the then prime minister on the podium last July, recalls the missiles very nearly found their mark. ''They almost broke his head, but someone blocked it.'' A shaken prime minister was soon bundled off by his security entourage.

Tari is no place to be without friends. The wild west outpost - a clearing in the endless jungle, little more than a long airstrip surrounded by a cluster of thatch huts and ramshackle buildings without phone lines or power - is a place where wigmen warriors in grass skirts and running shoes brandish bows, arrows and, when things get lively, shotguns.

They are lively the day The Saturday Age arrives. A local man has just been beheaded with a machete in a tribal fight in a nearby village, a school burnt to the ground, women and children have fled and two foreign workers on ExxonMobil's new Komo air strip site have been attacked by locals with bush knives. The project workforce is locked down for security.

Tari life: Traditional Huli tribesmen. Photo: Jason South

It might sound like the badlands, but Tari and the nearby mountains are the epicentre of PNG, crucible of economic hope and political strife. Down the road is buried treasure, the $US16 billion ($A14.9 billion) PNG liquefied natural gas project.

References to the LNG sound like a mantra across the nation. Many of PNG's dreams of future prosperity are pinned on the project, but in Tari the dream has already soured for many.

While some landowners have pocketed huge benefits payments, there's resentment that so far, despite all the frantic momentum of the project, for many it's delivered little more than dislocation from their gardens and markets, high inflation from the warped economy and dust thrown up from passing convoys.

Tari life: A man injured after fighting. Photo: Jason South

Local alderman Wake was one of the signatories on the benefit-sharing arrangements, but ''I broke the agreement,'' he says, ''because the Somare government, they bulldozed every process.

''We want it [the LNG], but they don't come in a proper way.'' He says people want more talk, less action, until outstanding questions of land, jobs and compensation are sorted out. But the Port Moresby government is hungry for the revenue windfall and the companies for their profits. The bulldozer ploughs on.

Wake was unsurprised by the attack on Somare, though officials later played it down as the misbehaviour of a few disgruntled youths. After all, the Grand Chief had come to preside at the launch of the Hela Transitional Authority - a milestone recognising a decades-long, impassioned campaign by local clans spawned from the common ancestor Hela to create a new province that recognised their heritage, and with Tari at its heart.

Tari life: Ready for conflict. Photo: Jason South

But ask around Tari and surrounding villages and there's no shortage of people still throwing rocks at the now unceremoniously ousted Somare government - and at politicians of all stripes - venting frustrations that echo through the rural and remote communities that are home to 85 per cent of PNG's exploding population, now nudging 7 million. Around Tari exists a microcosm of the tensions that afflict much of the nation.

Many people are impoverished and marginalised, despite the ritual boast that PNG is an island of gold, floating in a sea of oil, surrounded by gas. A paper published by the Lowy Institute in 2009 estimated that about 1 million of its people live in extreme poverty, on less than $50 a year, with limited or no access to cash income, health and education services, markets, transport and food security. Many more endure insufficient or poor quality services.

Malnourished children die from preventable, treatable disease. The maternal death rate - which doubled over a decade to some 733 per 100,000 births (in Australia, the equivalent figure is about eight) - is among the highest in the world, causing widespread grief and devastating generational damage to families. Many communities are vulnerable to escalating crime and violence, but have little, if any, access to police or courts or formal justice.

Despite this despairing landscape, when invited to reflect on Somare's legacy, citizens often express personal regard and affection for his unifying endurance on the political scene, perhaps a reflection of Melanesian homage to ''Big Man'' leadership. Many also laud his political contributions in earlier years - elected in 1968, leading the country to independence in 1975, serving as PM until 1980, and again from '82 to '85, and from 2002 until last month.

But in the same breath they are unforgiving of his presiding over the failure and disintegration of basic services and a political system and bureaucratic culture made moribund by corruption - evident everywhere from the daily newspaper headlines cataloguing missing millions in a seemingly endless cycle of scandals, to the random city roadblocks where police routinely confect offences for cash fines and clear passage. Of Somare's rough reception, Wake shrugs. ''In Hela, it's always like this. We don't practise sorcery or magic. When we get angry, we fight.''

IN Port Moresby for the past month, the educated elite have argued the moral, political and constitutional aspects of the events on August 2, which saw Sir Michael Somare deposed; analysed the bewildering new parliamentary alliance of regarded elder statesmen such as Sir Mekere Morauta, Sir Julius Chan and Bart Philemon, impressive new generation leaders such as Sam Basil, and dubious players and profiteers with form too murky to catalogue; and ruminated on the character and capabilities of surprise new Prime Minister Peter O'Neill, who emphatically pledges no tolerance of corruption, but is silent on his own besmirched history.

But it is not forgotten. The Post-Courier website provides a prominent link to the 10-year-old commission of inquiry report that lists numerous findings against O'Neill, a highly successful businessman and the son of an Irish-Australian magistrate and his Southern Highlands wife, concluding that he had ''definitely benefited from the proceeds of the NPF [National Provident Fund] Tower Fraud''.

Despite this shadow, the chairman of Transparency International PNG, Lawrence Stephens, welcomes O'Neill's declarations to confront corruption. ''And he is clearly competent,'' he says of the new Prime Minister, though like many academics and legal commentators, Stephens is troubled by the events that delivered him power. After a couple of thwarted courtroom challenges, the legality of the move, which declared the position of prime minister vacant while Somare convalesced in a Singapore hospital after heart surgery, with the defection of 48 MPs and the succession of O'Neill with a resounding vote of 70 to 24, is now being considered by the PNG Supreme Court.

One of PNG's most regarded constitutional experts and a senior legal adviser to the government, Dr Eric Kwa, last week told a gathering at the Australian National University that in his view the process did not follow the rule of law and was therefore unconstitutional, a position echoed by many experts. In PNG the constitution, not the Parliament, was supreme, Kwa said.

He acknowledged a counter argument that the weight of numbers in the vote indicated that people did overwhelmingly want change, and that a new government was justified because the old one was viewed as corrupt. This might be morally correct, Kwa said, but ''the constitution says that if you want to change the PM, there are set rules that you need to follow. You don't just go about changing the PM because you want to do so.''

The sudden power shift has put the nation on tenterhooks. On the streets of Port Moresby for several days in the aftermath, rumours of a military coup were rife, mobile phones beating out updates like jungle drums. Street vendors quickly sold out of daily papers cataloguing the twists and turns. Community leaders counselled journalists to be professional and careful in their reporting of events, and not to throw a match into the tinder box.

But far away from the capital in Tari, Jim Wake just embraces the turn of the political tide. ''In Hela, this is the prayer they have been making. The heavenly father has answered their prayer.''

As The Saturday Age travelled from the highlands, down the Fly River to the south coast, and back to the Port Moresby settlements, similar sentiment was heard from mothers, fathers and community leaders. Village people seem less cynical than the intelligentsia. Unplugged from the information age, they invest earnest hope that a new government will find new momentum to overcome the crippling corruption, ineptitude and inertia.

''There is a perception down at the grassroots level … that the politicians, the big men, don't care about the people in terms of the delivery of basic services,'' says Dr Alphonse Gelu, a legal and political specialist from PNG's National Research Institute.

At the other end of the spectrum, many city commentators also welcome an end to what they regarded as an artificial and deeply dangerous semblance of political stability, despite the uncertainty of the political moment it has created.

At least it ended the disruptive power vacuum of recent months, in which a long list of critical legislative changes requiring urgent attention ahead of the 2012 election have been allowed to stagnate, says Paul Barker, head of PNG's Institute of National Affairs think tank. ''There are some quite good people in there who have been preaching good governance for some time, so one would hope that O'Neill would be looking to the longer term and wanting to demonstrate that he is able to put together a credible, accountable government.''

Stephens doesn't mourn the loss of perceived stability under Somare. ''The reality is that stability was imposed as a way of shutting people up and get on with doing whatever it is you feel like, with very little sign that there should be any accountability,'' he says.

It may have made the international community and investors happy, but it delivered little to Papua New Guineans.

''We're supposed to have a Parliament that meets occasionally, and that doesn't happen. We're supposed to have a Parliament that allows for public debate, and that's not encouraged, in fact its stifled.''

Gelu reflects that ''up to the 2007 election, Sir Michael was very assertive. He made decisions and stood by them. At the same time, he was prepared to listen to people - that's one thing about his quality of leadership.

''But then he started listening to everyone around him. This group, the 'kitchen cabinet' [all powerbrokers with ties to Somare's East Sepik constituency] were running the affairs of this country. These people were breaking all the rules. And Somare stood by.''

People could see the lawlessness that made many of their communities dangerous places reflected in political behaviour at the highest level. Gelu says that disregard for the law and the constitution has become entrenched in the PNG Parliament - with debate on critical issues routinely nobbled and standing orders abused. Last year it sat for just four weeks of a required minimum nine.

Gelu, like Kwa, argues that the mechanism for the recent power shift ''broke all the rules''.

On this, Somare himself heartily agrees, issuing a statement from Singapore late this week claiming that he would return to PNG this weekend to reclaim his seat and ''complete my term as the only legally elected prime minister of Papua New Guinea''.

Gelu says that if Somare does

re-enter the fray, his ability as a campaigner should not be underestimated.

''He is very good when it comes to elections. But if Somare is not around, the politics in this country will be very different. In 2012 we might see some new emerging leaders who might replace him in terms of affecting votes and the grassroots.''

The forthcoming election is now the focus of great anticipation and apprehension.

The O'Neill team didn't waste time launching its campaign for re-election, announcing a bold, ambitious list of reforms - among them establishing an independent commission against corruption, free education for all students to year 10 in the next budget, reinvigoration of the police force and the sale of the government's luxury Falcon jet, with the proceeds to go to health and education.

While such initiatives were welcomed, if their viability questioned, a suggestion by mining minister Byron Chan that the government would also hand over full ownership of PNG's resources to customary landowners triggered alarm in resources circles before being played down.

''This is the crudest sort of populism,'' observed ANU's Dr Bill Standish, a veteran PNG observer who has written extensively on the damaging culture of big money politics in PNG. ''It would strip the government of all revenue and would certainly be a nightmare for the mining companies.''

Whatever the aspirations of the new government, he is cynical of the possibility of meaningful change and delivery of core services until sweeping reforms unshackle MPs from a dysfunctional political structure where revenue, most of it from resources, is held tight in the capital; responsibility for services shunted to cash-strapped provinces; and MPs try to rely on blatant vote buying from slush funds to win and hold their seats.

ANALYSTS fear long simmering tensions may explode during during next year's general election, an always fraught and frequently violent five-yearly exercise in democracy, not least in the highlands and especially in Hela, where the unfinished business of formally declaring the new province sits like a ticking bomb.

''No Hela, No LNG'' is a declaration that rings loudly across the district. Local MP James Marabe has suggested that unless his constituency gets essential services and a better cut of the deal, there could be a repeat of Bougainville, where tensions over benefits and the impacts of the project underwrote conflict and shut down one of the world's largest copper and gold mines. ''This should not be seen as an idle threat,'' warns Australia National University academic and PNG election specialist Dr Nicole Haley.

Professional observers and keen-eyed locals attest to the build-up of caches of arms and fake military and police uniforms. This could ''have the potential to shape and determine PNG's future in ways that perhaps have not been fully appreciated,'' Haley recently warned a political symposium.

A senior PNG political analyst, Dr Jim McPherson warned almost two years ago that the government was fast running out of time to sort out a whole raft of constitutional amendments, or risked a crisis akin to Fiji's deferred elections.

The pile of unfinished business before the Parliament in Waigani includes the two new provinces of Hela and Jiwaka, adjusting outdated electoral boundaries, failure to fix a legislative hole repealing the seats of provincial MPs and stymied progress on a widely supported bill to make PNG an inclusive democracy and create 22 reserved women's seats, one for each province.

The bill proposes a mechanism to push through the cultural and social constraints that have locked women out of PNG politics. There is one female representative - Queensland-born Dame Carol Kidu - who is retiring, and has devoted much of her last term to progress of her Women's Bill. PNG's rapid transition on the back of the resources boom is proving to be a dangerous and difficult time for voiceless rural women, says Dr Orovu Sepoe, an academic and activist for the bill, now with the ANU. As mothers and carers, they feel the lack of services most keenly and they disproportionately endure the violence of rupturing family and social systems. ''Male parliamentarians miss their perspectives,'' Sepoe says. ''Women who are empowered strongly see that women have a role to play in PNG. Until they are there, the wealth we are going to gain from resources will just go to waste.''

Lawrence Stephens is hopeful that women's voices will give priority back to core issues such as agriculture. ''Most of the population are rural. And yet we have an agriculture department that has forgotten about them. These are the tragedies. We get enthused and carried away with the dreams of other people to exploit this, that or the other, and lose sight of the basic things that should happen - services reaching communities, health and education.''

Despite the myriad problems, Stephens, who came to Port Moresby from Canberra in 1975 and found himself utterly engrossed with the place, says: ''I am not despairing. I am really impressed with people in this country, with their level of resilience and concern for each other.''

He still holds great hope for the future, particularly in the very vigorous grassroots democracy, which finds momentum even as parliamentary processes fail.

Last year, when there was an attempt in the capital to change legislation to curtail the powers of the Ombudsman, there were huge demonstrations on the streets of Port Moresby. Every year the annual walk against corruption brings out thousands of people across the nation.

Mobile phones and social media are galvanising popular activism in PNG as they have elsewhere, and a vigorous blogging culture treads where traditional media couldn't or wouldn't go.

Among the rising stars of the ''blogatariate'' is Martyn Namarong, a former medical student born in Gulf province who now sells beetle nut on the street and writes eloquently and powerfully on questions of youth disenfranchisement, ethnic identity, systemic failures of development aid, corruption and culture.

''I don't dream any more, I am grounded in reality,'' he writes. ''I grapple with the facts as they are. Perhaps there are too many visionaries and dreamers such that no one is there to deal with the reality of life in Papua New Guinea. Even a vast majority of people who are trapped like me do not wish to deal with reality. That is why fast-money schemes continue to thrive and voters are gullible towards politicians.''

On the new era of politics, he says: ''I have deliberately said nothing about what the government should do … [just] that it must implement all it has been planning to do.''

 

source: http://www.brisbanetimes.com.au

Mt. Hagen women in traditional attire

Mt. Hagen women dressing in traditional attire - Papua New Guinea!

Papua New Guinea: Mining giants react as new gov't promises reform

Sunday, August 28, 2011

By Ash Pemberton

THE new government of Papua New Guinea, led by prime minister Peter O'Neill, has announced plans to revert ownership of minerals and resources to traditional landowners.

Mining minister Byron Chan said in a speech on August 11 the government would seek to give traditional owners legal ownership of resources under the land and sea.

Currently, the PNG government owns anything more than six feet under the surface.

Chan also promised an urgent review of mining and environmental laws, especially those involving deep sea mining.

Chan told Radio Australia on August 17 the change would not affect existing mining projects.

PNG's mineral wealth has long been plundered by foreign mining companies who, in league with the government, made huge profits while exploiting and threatening locals and trashing the environment.

If the changes go ahead, mining companies will have to deal directly with landowners, who would have the power to “make or break the mineral projects”, Chan said.

The mining industry reacted with hostility to the prospect of having to deal with the people whose lives they often destroy.

Greg Anderson, executive director of the PNG Chamber of Mines and Petroleum, told The Australian on August 19: “This is playing with fire.”

An unnamed resources executive in PNG told The Australian the move would "increase sovereign risk and damage investor confidence".

However, Professor Spike Boydell from University of Technology Sydney told ABC Radio Australia on August 24: “I don't think investors will go away for a long time, because they know they're dealing with significant mineral wealth.”

He said landowners would need proper legal representation to avoid being swindled under the system.

Other proposed changes promised by the new government include a crackdown on corruption, free school education to year 10, the scrapping of an unpopular “super hospital” project in Port Moresby and the sale of the government's $51 million private jet.

The government also sacked New York-based carbon trader Kevin Conrad from his position as PNG's Ambassador for Climate Change, the Post Courier said on August 18. 

Deputy Prime Minister Belden Namah  said it was not appropriate for someone has little or no knowledge about life in PNG to be its representative.

Namah “thanked [former PM] Sir Michael Somare for getting political independence but his government will get economic independence”, the Post said.

O'Neill was installed by a parliamentary vote on August 2 after months of political limbo. Somare had been seriously ill in a Singapore hospital since April, with his deputy Sam Abal taking his place.

Many members of the opposition and ruling coalition ― including members of Somare's National Alliance ― voted to remove Somare and his clique from power.

PNG has a long history of similar leadership coups, with fractious alliances forming and dissolving regularly.

Abal launched a legal challenge in the national court, claiming the position of prime minister was not declared vacant before the vote, Australia Network News said on August 25.

Australian National University  academic Bill Standish  said at EastAsiaForum.org on August 11 that the change of leadership stemmed from the increasing unpopularity of the Somare regime.

Standish said this was due to corruption and lack of democracy, as well as personal rivalries in the ruling coalition and resentment from opposition MPs over unfair administration of the parliament.

Somare had been a dominant figure in PNG politics for more than 40 years. Nicknamed the “Grand Chief”, he was the country's first prime minister after it won independence from Australia in 1975 ― one of three stints he had in the job.

Somare was also famed for his ability to hold together alliances in PNG's notoriously chaotic parliamentary scene.

Somare's long absence and questions over whether he would return contributed to the breakdown of his regime.

Somare's government was marked by its obedience to corporate interests, especially in the mining and logging sectors.

The government allowed corporations free reign to exploit PNG's natural wealth, while destroying the environment and damaging communities.

Many of the reforms proposed by the new government would mark a step toward social justice, but the changes do not necessarily represent a break with the past.

Many of the individuals in the new government are very much part of the PNG establishment, including some who were ministers in Somare's government.

O'Neill also has a shady history. He faces allegations that he was the beneficiary of fraud involving a real estate deal in 1999, PNG Exposed said on July 27, 2010.

A commission of inquiry into the case in 2002 found “O’Neill had definitely benefitted from the proceeds of the NPF Tower fraud”, and recommended charges be laid against him and his accomplices. O'Neill was never charged.

Ilya Gridneff said at New Matilda on August 3: “The Somare-led National Alliance (NA) party is now split with members on both sides of parliament.

“NA is the strongest political party in the country, a machine that has enough financial and political capital to mean something.

“The other smaller parties really don’t differ much on policy, indeed they work more as clubs with various personalities attached to them.

“It’s a scramble to form government. The opposition is simply made up of those MPs who missed the bus.”

Despite the moves toward economic nationalism, O'Neill said the new government would look to strengthen ties with former colonial ruler Australia, the Sydney Morning Herald said on August 9.

His government has already agreed to reopen a detention camp on Manus Island to hold refugees cruelly expelled from Australia.

 

source: http://www.greenleft.org.au/

Aitutaki - Polynesian island paradise - finding the bliss that characterises the Cook Islands.

Story by EVE NESMITH 

THE Cook Islands, a group of 15 tiny islands dotted across a two million square kilometre chunk of the Pacific Ocean, are world-renowned for their picture-perfect lagoons and super-friendly locals.

But if you draw up a population chart of the Cooks it will look something like this, in descending order: coconuts, chickens, tourists, scooters, Cook Islanders and, finally, lagoons.

Not that this population hierarchy in any way detracts from the charm of the Cook Islands. It doesn't. If anything, it adds to the juxtaposition of tourist hum and island bliss that characterises the Cooks.

There are only around 13,000 Cook Islanders living on the islands. Due to open-visa arrangements with Australia and New Zealand, around 100,000 have left their picturesque homeland and are forging a living overseas. Many return in their sunset years, however, due to their Polynesian penchant for being buried on family land, preferably in the front yard.

This tourist-to-Cook Islander ratio looks set to increase. The Cook Islands government has entered a three-year deal with Air New Zealand to operate weekly direct flights between Sydney and Rarotonga, the main island, which is only about 32 kilometres in circumference.

The Australia-Cook Islands trek used to involve a stop-over in New Zealand, often in the wee hours of the morning, but the entire trip is now just five hours. And that feels far too short, if you're lucky enough to fly business class, as my travelling companions and I were.

Arguably the jewel in the stunning Cook Islands crown is the island of Aitutaki, famed for being the honeymoon destination of Getaway presenter Catrina Rowntree, the location for the American TV series Survivor, and one of the top 10 South Pacific beaches, as voted on TripAdvisor.com.

Aitutaki is a 45-minute flight from Rarotonga but seems a world away from the capital. The airstrip is no longer coral but the simple, tidy building that is the island's airport is anything but touristy.

Although accommodation choices and prices range dramatically, Aitutaki is famed as a romantic destination and some of its lodgings are downright decadent. The Pacific Resort, Aitutaki, features 13 individual beachfront bungalows, each positioned for maximum privacy and sunset views. There are also three villas and six beachfront suites.

The resort offers guests 600 metres of beachfront, an infinity pool and direct access to the lagoon, which is just 1½ metres deep in most places. The resort has been mapping the coral in its reef for guests to do self-guided tours and has produced a map titled "Aquatic Eco Trail – A self-guided snorkelling tour of our resort lagoon".

The resort's Rapae Restaurant offers formal dining in a romantic, candle-lit setting overlooking the lagoon, while its Black Rock Cafe offers casual poolside dining.

I stayed just down the road from the Pacific, in a secluded beachfront villa at Aitutaki Escape.

 With its water and coral feature walls and kikau-style frond roofing, Aitutaki Escape exudes a Polynesian ambience while offering every creature comfort this scribe could imagine.

The floors are marble, the ceilings are high. There are downlights and impeccable stainless appliances in the well-appointed kitchen and a big flat-screen television with surround sound in the living area. A four-poster bed with cheesecloth curtains commands the bedroom while a connected bathroom houses a double glass-brick shower in a private courtyard, double sinks, a bidet and complimentary L'Occitane toiletries.

 Out back, concertina glass doors open onto a private deck that meanders down to the lagoon and coral-sand beach, while the front boasts a private courtyard, L-shaped plunge/lap pool with rock fountain wall and statue-studded tropical garden.

There is no restaurant at Aitutaki Escape but you can still dine in with style, thanks to the Koru Cafe. A meal for two, delivered, costs $165. For $430, chef and owner Steve Armstrong will come and prepare your meal in-house. And if you fancy something really special, Steve and his partner, Trina, will prepare a six-dish banquet on-site for $540.

The Cooks are world-renowned for their seafood and Aitutaki is no exception. There are myriad choices as close as your complimentary pushbike or seemingly compulsory hire scooter can get you. Tupuna's Restaurant, which is open Monday to Saturday, has a casual, tropical setting. The floor is sandy and the tables are lit by torches, but the dining is anything but lowbrow. Specialties include local mudcrab and fresh reef crayfish. The house favourite is a dish comprising curried prawns, scallops and fish with vegetables, served with rice and a side of spicy pumpkin soup for $35.50.

Venture outside your luxury villa or waddle away from the table and you'll find there is plenty else to see and do on Aitutaki. A cruise of its famed lagoon is an absolute must and offers the chance to snorkel in waters that are home to green sea turtles, giant clams and throngs of colourful tropical fish.

Bishop Cruises' Five Islands cruise takes in Akaimi (a former WWII refuelling stop for Catalina aircraft), Moturakau, whose waters are home to turtles, Honeymoon Island, Maina, and One Foot Island.

 During the lunch stopover on One Foot Island you dine on a buffet of salads and fresh barbecued marinated fish, while being serenaded by the ship's crew-cum-ukelele band. If you remember to bring your passport, you can have it stamped at the island's tiny post office.

If you haven't had enough of the lagoon by the time you make your way back to shore, give Samade on the Beach, at Ootu Beach, a whirl. A short walk from where the cruiseboats disembark, this beachfront bar and grill has the location of the universe. Its timber deck finishes about three coral-sand metres from the crystal waters of the lagoon. Sun, sand, sparkling water and $8.50 mojitos. What a way to spend an afternoon.

Aitutaki doesn't need to be all about sunbaking, stuffing yourself and seducing your loved one. There's a serious side, if you want to see it, and one way is through Aitutaki Discovery Safari Tours and its ultimate archaeological cultural tour.

This tour explores a southern Cook Islands sacred site, or marae; traces the inland trails of Kakeroa warriors; and takes in postcard-perfect views from Maungau Piraki, the highest point on the island.

For me, however, the high point of the trip isn't the lookout. It is business owner and tour guide Ngaakitai Taria's commentary and observations on Cook Islands culture.

Nga has taken it upon himself to conduct archaeological research into the island and its people. He also trains contestants for the reality TV show Survivor, and is a budding entrepreneur who grows hydroponic lettuce and tomatoes for resorts on the island.

He is passionate about the role the missionaries played in stripping Cook Islanders of their culture.

"We are discovering the things that were taken from us," he says.

Nga says that, since the arrival of missionaries in 1821, Aitutakians were forbidden to visit their marae.

"They were told they were cursed," Nga says. "Many still won't come."

Nga laments his people's laid-back lifestyle. He says the comfortable yet semi- subsistence existence of many, relying on the bounty of the earth and sea, places too much emphasis on living a good, Christian life. A hunger to do and achieve more provides the impetus for young people to abandon the islands of their birth. But when asked if he thinks Christianity is the root of all evil, he pulls up just short.

"Not exactly," he says. "But these people should be warriors."

Nga believes that much Cook Island culture has been lost or abandoned. For example, he doesn't believe Cook Islanders should kiss, or copulate face-to-face. In ancient times they believed their saliva was sacred and opted for the 'ongi', or nose greeting. This changed with the arrival of the missionaries - hence the term ''missionary position''.

 Cook Islanders now kiss but much culture has been preserved in the form of dance and ritual. An island night is an essential immersement in this sweaty, throbbing, exuberant experience. On Aitutaki, Tamanu Restaurant offers a fire dance, cultural show and traditional buffet meal.

Dishes include rukau (green baby taro leaves, called ''local spinach'', cooked in coconut milk), varoa karo (a surprisingly sweet dish using bread that's been baked in an umu, crumbled with coconut cream), poke (a banana and chocolate jelly), pawpaw, ika mata (raw fish marinated in lime juice with coconut cream), rimu (mini sea grapes, which taste a bit like pickles), taro (white root vegetable), kumara (sweet potato) and arrowroot. The dinner and show package costs $55.

If you're looking for the real deal at a price that won't break the budget, you can also pick up cheap and delicious home-made meals, like roti and curries, at the main Aitutaki market on Arutanga Wharf. The market runs Monday to Saturday between 7 am and 2 pm and largely sells traditional foodstuffs.

IF YOU GO

Air New Zealand flies direct between Sydney and Rarotonga weekly, departing Rarotonga on Mondays and Sydney on Tuesdays. This will move to Fridays and Saturdays in October: www.airnewzealand.com.au.

Air Rarotonga flies between Rarotonga and Aitutaki: www.airraro.com.

Aitutaki Escape: www.aitutakiescape.com. Pacifc Resort: www.pacificresort.com. More information: www.cookislands.travel/au.

* **The writer was a guest of Cook Islands Tourism and Air New Zealand.

Don't miss Destinations travel magazine, in Thursday's Newcastle Herald.

source: http://www.theherald.com.au